In late July, Rafael Lopez Aliaga, the Mayor of Lima and a potential presidential candidate for Peru in 2026, traveled to California for a train donation ceremony organized by the Biden administration. This initiative involved the donation of CalTrain locomotives to Lima, underscoring ongoing U.S. efforts to strengthen transport links with Peru. However, Lopez Aliaga’s rumored political aspirations are overshadowed by his deep financial connections to China, particularly through his company PeruRail, which has seen substantial revenue growth due to shipments from Minera Las Bambas, a joint venture where Chinese state-owned company China Minmetals holds a majority stake. These ties raise concerns that China is positioning Lopez Aliaga as a favorable ally in the region, potentially aligning Peruvian politics with its strategic interests.
Recent research by Nate Picarsic and Emily de La Bruyère of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies highlights how China has been meticulously cultivating Lopez Aliaga for higher office, aiming to expand its foothold in South America’s mineral resources. The report describes Lopez Aliaga as “China’s man in Peru,” emphasizing that his political rise could further facilitate Chinese resource projects, thereby enhancing Beijing’s influence in the region. As the report notes, Lopez Aliaga is a key player in promoting Chinese investment, which has substantially surged in countries like Peru over the past few years.
The surge in Chinese investments includes significant projects such as a $1.3 billion deepwater port in Chancay, opened by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2024. This port is portrayed as the first step in China’s ambitious maritime Silk Road initiative, demonstrating China’s commitment to enhancing its economic footprint in Peru. Moreover, Lopez Aliaga’s role has been pivotal in directing financial flows into Lima’s infrastructure, specifically in the electricity sector, aligning local interests with broader Chinese objectives in the region.
As Lopez Aliaga prepares for a possible presidential run, these developments present a complex dynamic where political aspirations intimately connect with economic relations driven by Chinese investments. Picarsic argues that while the U.S. aims to provide support through initiatives like train donations, these efforts may appear insufficient against the backdrop of China’s aggressive and strategic investments in essential sectors across Peru. He claims that U.S. initiatives could be perceived as reactive rather than proactive in the face of Beijing’s entrenchment.
Moreover, criticisms have surfaced regarding the timing and nature of the U.S. donation, which some observers believe lacks the strategic depth required to counteract China’s growing influence. Lopez Aliaga’s involvement in utilizing these trains for potential Chinese mining and transport operations raises significant concerns about the implications for Peru’s sovereignty and resource management. Former Secretary of State Antony Blinken highlighted the symbolic value of the train donation in fostering U.S.-Peru ties, but skeptics argue that the economic and geopolitical context renders this gesture comparatively weak.
In conclusion, the intertwining of Lopez Aliaga’s political ambitions with deepening Sino-Peruvian relations reflects broader geopolitical trends. With China aggressively expanding its influence through substantial financial investments that directly benefit key political figures like Lopez Aliaga, the stakes are considerably high for Peru. While the U.S. continues to initiate measures to bolster its presence in the region, the effectiveness of these efforts hinges on their capacity to meaningfully engage with and influence the political landscape, where China’s growing reach poses a formidable challenge.
